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Dear Senator Inhofe,
I would like to start my letter with a small selection of excerpts from statements made by the grieved parents of young children who were mowed down following the May 2007 elections by the Ethiopian military after Prime Minister Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency in the evening of May 15, 2005 announcing that the military, the police and the security service would be under his direct command.
Fekadu Negash, 20, who works in a garage, was at his home around a place called 'Addis Ketema'. He was standing by his door when he heard shootings and screamings. He went out to see what was happening, and before he knew it, he was shot dead on his doorstep. His younger brother, Abraham Yilma, 18, came running out of the house and called his mother shouting that his brother was shot. Both of them went out, and as Abraham took a step to pick up his brother, he saw the person who shot him.
"He picked up his hand and said, that's my brother, let me pick him up," their mother, Etenesh, recalls in grief. "Then he shot him too. I saw my sons lying on the road, their blood flowing like water."…. "They were striving every day to take the burden off my shoulders. Their dream was to work and support me and their younger brothers," she said mournfully.
"I seek justice from the people of Ethiopia" she said. "I am poor. I can not sue the government, nor can I claim anything. Today it is my children and children of many others. What about tomorrow and the day after?" she asks. Source: Reporter, June 20, 2005.
Dawit Fekadu is an 18-year old technical school graduate who was one of the victims of June 8th carnage by army troops…"He called his office and reported to his colleagues that he couldn't go due to the strike by taxi drivers following the student disturbances," recalls his father. "I don't know how to take my grief. Dawit wasn't even interested in socializing much with friends. He was a kind of person who takes work, education and career seriously," he says. "What reason was there to shoot an innocent boy at his doorstep in cold blood?" the father asked, weeping.
He was, his father tells, deliberately denied access to emergency medical help by the same troops who gunned him down. The troops fired some shots at his friends who tried to carry him to hospital. "We had to abandon his
blood-soaked body and seek shelter at the nearest houses.”
For his mother Abaynesh Wolde, her son's agony shocks her body with rage and resentment. "They are beasts. They rampaged through the villages killing our innocent boys. I hold this regime responsible for the inhuman measures of its troops. I want justice not from them but from God," she burst into tears. "They have killed our children. They should pay for the cold-blooded killings they committed. I will only pray to God for he will make that happen," she said.
"They [the Government] talked about election and freedom of expression. And they put bullets in his heart when he didn't even participate in anything," said Ato Fekadu [his father]. Source: Reporter, June 20, 2005.
The above is but a sampling of what goes on in present day Ethiopia. I am sure you are unaware of the conditions there, otherwise you would not have objected to the passage of H.R. 2003, Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007. Ethiopian-Americans here and Ethiopians in Ethiopia know first hand about the real situation in their country. Those of us who have relatives in Ethiopia view this Bill as a positive measure in furthering American/Ethiopian relations without negatively impacting the close relationship between the United States and Ethiopia.
You stated that you visited the country recently and met with high government officials, including Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. It is regrettable that you did not meet members of the opposition parties, civil society or humanitarian organizations which would have provided you with a balanced assessment of the situation in the country.
US State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (March 2006),[1]
credible reports from international humanitarian organizations such as, Freedom House,[2] Human Rights Watch[3] and Amnesty International[4] not to mention editorials and articles by reputable newspapers attest to the sorry state of affairs in Ethiopia. These reports affirm that harassment, intimidation, arbitrary detentions, and extrajudicial killings are the norm in Ethiopia.
Honorable Senator, the FDRE Constitution embraces articles which are similar to those of other democratically governed countries. A few examples are presented below:
4.1 Article 13.2 - “The fundamental rights and freedoms specified in this Chapter shall be interpreted in a manner conforming to the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenants on Human Rights and international instruments adopted by Ethiopia.”
4.2.1 Article 14 - “Every person has the inviolable right to life, security of person and liberty.”
4.3.1 Article 29.2 - "Everyone has the right to freedom of expression without any interference. This right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any media of his choice."
4.3.1 Article 29.3 - "Freedom of the press and other mass media and freedom of artistic creativity is guaranteed. Freedom of the press shall specifically include the following elements: (a) Prohibition of any form of censorship; (b) Access to information of public interest."
Clearly, this demonstrates that Prime Minister Meles’ Government is in breach of its own Constitution, which espouses democracy and human rights, whenever it suits him.
Further, you indicate that “the Government of Ethiopia has taken significant steps again to regain a democratic process that is fair and respectful of human rights”. If that were the case, why would the Ethiopian Government still keep tens of thousands of opposition party supporters in concentration camp-style prisons in remote regions of the country without trial? The government assumes that by releasing high profile detainees the attention of the world would be deflected, and the plight of thousands of political prisoners elsewhere in the country and out of sight of the international community would be forgotten.[5]
You also mention that since the release of the political prisoners in August 2007, there have been “reforms made in the election process”. Indeed, a revised election law was passed in the Ethiopian Parliament recently, though the main opposition parties in Parliament voted against the revised Bill.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has already selected and appointed the nine Members of the National Election Board, including the Chairman, who were endorsed by his rubber-stamp EPRDF majority against the objections of the minority opposition parties, thereby denying the independent role of the Board Members. Section 5(3)(I) of H.R. 2003 “the National Election Board (NEB) includes representatives of political parties with seats in the Ethiopian Parliament and the NEB functions independently in its decision-making;” would in some measure rectify this anomaly, which was the root cause of the crisis in the aftermath of the May 2005 election. It is hoped that this time the new Chairman of the National Election Board is not the President of the Federal Supreme Court, as well as the Chairman of the Council for Constitutional Inquiry, as was the case with the previous Election Board Chairman!
If as you indicate that “democratization has come to some African countries” which were former colonies, would it not be logical to assume that it should have flourished in the oldest independent nation in Africa by now? The present Ethiopian government has held power for 16 years now. How much longer would Ethiopians need to bring democracy, human rights and justice to their country – perhaps another millennium?
As regards the war in Somalia, the Ethiopian government’s justification for attacking Somalia was that it went into Somalia as a defensive measure, although it was no secret that Ethiopian troops were inside Somalia much earlier. You state that “Ethiopia paid dearly for supporting the US”, although several newspapers reported that Gen. Abizaid had gone to Ethiopia a few weeks before the start of the war to advise the Ethiopian Prime Minister not to go to war, however Mr. Zenawi did not heed his advice. This would preclude the notion that Ethiopia helped the US, as it was the US that went to support Ethiopia and not vice versa.
You are doubtless aware that the war in the Ogaden region has become a humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions. Earlier the Ethiopian Government expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross and Medecin Sans Frontier from the Ogaden. Accusations of genocide, rape and torture have been leveled at the Ethiopian Government. Media reports indicate that the Ethiopian Government restricted humanitarian food aid, commercial trade, movement of inhabitants and set fire to villages, causing massive displacement of populations.
We appreciate the fact that Ethiopia is a partner in the war on terrorism. However in a country where the population is evenly divided among Christians and Muslims, it would have been advisable for the Ethiopian government to restrain itself and resolve the issue through the framework of a political dialogue, so as not to drive the embittered factions of its Muslim citizens to Islamic extremism.
Prime Minister Zenawi’s perception of the struggle against terrorism is relative to his goal, which may not be consistent with that of the United States. An authoritarian and undemocratic government is not necessarily conducive to the advancement of stability and security in the Horn.
The quest for democracy does not detract from the pursuit of regional stability and the objectives of counter-terrorism. On the contrary, they are complementary. It is my hope that you will appreciate the intrinsic merit of this well formulated bill, which would incorporate your vision for a stable and secure region.
With due respect, I urge you to re-consider your position on H.R. 2003, which would not infringe on US security concerns and counter terrorism assistance, as Section 5(a)(1)(A) and (B) exempts the application of the bill to counter-terrorism and related matters:
“(1) LIMITATION ON SECURITY ASSISTANCE-
(A) IN GENERAL- Except as provided in subparagraph (B), security assistance shall not be provided to Ethiopia until such time as the certification described in paragraph (3) is made in accordance with such paragraph.
(B) EXCEPTION- Subparagraph (A) shall not apply with respect to peacekeeping assistance, counter-terrorism assistance, or international military education and training for civilian personnel under section 541 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (commonly referred to as `Expanded IMET'). Peacekeeping or counter-terrorism assistance provided to Ethiopia shall not be used for any other security-related purpose or to provide training to security personnel or units against whom there is credible evidence of gross human rights abuses or violations.”
Honorable Senator, Ethiopians have great admiration for the American people because of their love of liberty and justice, therefore it is inconceivable to me that anyone would object to the passage of H.R. 2003, a bill “to encourage and facilitate the consolidation of peace and security, respect for human rights, democracy and economic freedom in Ethiopia.”
Zenash
[1] http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78734.htm
[2]http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=140&edition=8&ccrcountry=156§ion=86&ccrpage=37
[3] http://hrw.org/englishwr2k7/docs/2007/01/11/ethiop14704.htm
[4] http://web.amnesty.org/report2006/eth-summary-eng
[5] http://www.socepp.de/ - Update on the Worsening Human Rights Situation, Nov. 15, 2007
cc: Members of the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
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